In this post, I will discuss the challenges and the (un-)systematic procedures I encountered while attempting to access my research field in Beirut. I will confront the reality of how a research proposal and theoretical considerations on paper transform into daily research practices. This transition from idea to practice unveils unexpected barriers and dead ends, but also surprising opportunities for engagement and support. Specifically, I will examine initiatives and stakeholders in the civil sector that operate on the ground, known as grassroots organizations. My research focuses on how womenâs NGOs in Lebanon are working toward legal transformations to promote womenâs rights, highlight gender inequalities in law and politics, and hold the state accountable for implementing human rights, all while aiming for social change. This occurs against a backdrop of political inconsistency in Lebanon, international humanitarian and developmental aid, and a region marked by fragility and conflict.
One significant insight Iâve gained during my 12 months of fieldwork in Lebanon is that womenâs NGOs play a crucial role in the local landscape. They have forged strong ties with grassroots organizations and act as gatekeepers at the international and transnational levels in the field of human rights advocacy. Their involvement is essential for international developmental and humanitarian initiatives, as they are the ones with the local contacts. At the same time, these organizations navigate discourses, needs, and donor demands to their advantage, establishing their own feminist and activist networks in Lebanon that have existed since even before the Lebanese state gained independence in the early 1950s.
To make these challenges and opportunities more tangible, I would now like to present an ethnographic vignette that illustrates my experiences in reaching out to activists and local organizations, placing the theoretical considerations into a practical context. I will begin with an ethnographic vignette detailing my attempts to reach activists and engage with local organizations to learn about their structures. I will focus on my methodological approach and how I proceeded in the field. Furthermore, I will discuss my positionality, which played a significant role in my dissertationâespecially in relation to my methods and data access. I have reflected extensively on how my procedures for making contacts and learning about the players in civil society and in Beirut, a regional hub for international aid, influenced the way I collected and produced data. As an ethnographer, I bring my own research ideas, theoretical background, and perspective as a white European woman researching in academia outside of Europe. Against this backdrop, I will briefly discuss Lebanon and the circumstances I encountered during my time there in 2016 and 2017. Having shared one major insight already, I will highlight a few more, particularly regarding which initiatives and organizations are visible to external international observers, and what is meant by âgrassrootsâ in this context.
This encounter with Dina not only highlights the individual hurdles I had to overcome but also reflects the complex dynamics involved in the collaboration between local and international organizations. It underscores the necessity to consider the role of gatekeepers and the interplay between local knowledge holders and international actors. What are the key takeaways that could be conveyed and applied in other settings, especially regarding civil society and identifying grassroots actions? This relates to the themes of visibility and the intentional absence thereof. I aimed to incorporate such dynamics into my PhD using concepts of mimicry, boundary objects, and Goffmanâs 2017 [1959] infamous theater analogy: what is negotiated with whom and on which stage?
Letâs come now to the vignette:
It has been more than six months since I tried to get in touch with Mira. I heard Miraâs name several times during my conversations with activists in rather formal settings of events, mostly carried out by collectives or student associations at the Lebanese University (LAU) or the American University of Beirut (AUB). Her name came up not only within the younger generation of womenâs rights activists but also among the established and renowned womenâs NGOs, such as KAFA, CRTD.A., ABAAD, RDFL, and NCLW. Even one member of NCLW, the âNational Committee of Lebanese Women,â which has traditionally been a semi-governmental organization with mostly wives of parliamentarians as its members, recommended that I grab a coffee with Dina. So, I concluded that Dina is my gatekeeper. I asked for her email or phone number, and luckily, one of her student companions gave me her contact details. I texted her, explaining my research intentions and my wish to interview her. She replied quickly, respectfully, and warmly, seeming to agree to meet. Yet, despite our plans, each time we wanted to meet, circumstances prevented it: sometimes she had to cancel, other times she postponed, and occasionally Beirutâs traffic made it impossible for both of us to connect.
Finally, two weeks before I had to return to Berlin, we met in a café in the Sodeco neighborhood. As I approached the café, I felt an exciting flutter of nerves. Thoughts raced through my mind: What stories would she share? What insights could I gain to better understand the complexities of activism in Lebanon? These questions heightened my anticipation as I caught my first glimpse of the setting where I would meet one of the prominent voices in the feminist movement. She was early; I recognized her as I followed her instructions on where to find her in the café. She greeted me warmly and apologized for her unavailability. She had too many things on her plate.
Dina is Lebanese American; her family hails from the Bekaa Valley. She also works as a consultant for an international organization while completing her studies. Besides the fragmentation among grassroots activistsâ networks, there is also a division between organizations regarding their initiativesâ focuses and contents. While the overarching cause remains the sameâadvocating for womenâs rights and improving them in practice and legal frameworksâthe direction and projection of their ideas and perspectives vary. Dina supports this viewpoint, as she works with international organizations and understands the split local organizations face between the international and the local spheres.
I told Dina about my difficulties in entering the field as I perceived it, expressing my urgency to connect with the ârealâ grassroots groups before my departure. Despite identifying several feminist circles, I struggled to build sustainable connections. As I listed the groups I had become familiar with, I noticed Dina smiling; she recognized them. She then shared with me information about a womenâs group she had come to know in one of the southern neighborhoods of Beirut. This group of women meets regularly to exchange ideas, share experiences, and discuss issues related to women. They call themselves âThe Spinstersâ and communicate their meeting dates and visions to the public through paper advertisements in beauty parlors.
While listening to Dina share this amazing insight, I realized that throughout my entire fieldwork, I would only cover a small segment of groups and networks, despite my tireless efforts to explore as many opportunities as possible in a holistic manner.
These observations lead to important insights regarding how collaboration between local and international actors can be optimized to enhance the effectiveness of initiatives. This brings forth the targeted measures necessary to foster such cooperation while taking into account the needs of local communities and the expectations of international donors. Lastly, it is crucial to ensure that local activists have a platform to voice their experiences and perspectives. This support is vital for creating initiatives that are both relevant and impactful.
Although I have already analyzed several important points that emerged from the vignetteâparticularly how complex grassroots activism can shape its fields of action, visibility, and suggested contact pointsâI would like to pause to further interpret the results in terms of how initiatives are visible to different audiences and what can be learned from my field experience that might be applied to other settings. Instead, I will return to and deepen my methodological approach. Additionally, I will provide a brief overview of the context of Lebanon, including its political particularities, during my fieldwork in 2016 and 2017.
I will begin with my methodological trajectory. Before I traveled to Lebanon, I discussed with my supervisors the best strategies for collecting data. However, they did not provide me with any contacts for individuals or organizations to begin my work. Given Lebanonâs complex legal systemânot governed by civil law but by 15 different religious laws tied to political groups, known as sectsâI tailored my research proposal and questions to focus on legal procedures in Lebanon and their intersections with international law and norms. Organizations would be positioned at the intersection of law and society, making it clear that I intended to use NGOs as both my access point to the field and my analytical category.
Specifically linked to my research interests, I planned to examine womenâs organizations that address womenâs issues through the advocacy and discourse of womenâs rights as human rights, transnational activism, and the implementation of international law within the local legal context. However, we did not sufficiently account for the dense and challenging situation in Lebanon at that time due to the impact of the Syrian civil war, the influx of displaced people, violent attacks by ISIS, Hezbollahâs involvement in the Syrian conflict, and the non-functional Lebanese government. In response to these challenges, the international presence in Beirut increased significantly; embassies expanded their staff and diplomatic interests to include regional migration support and peace negotiations aimed at preventing further turmoil. Moreover, international aid agencies grew their developmental and humanitarian initiatives, which immensely affected grassroots organizations and civil society.
Throughout my year in Lebanon, I observed the implications of these dynamics for womenâs NGOs, their visions, and their projects. I also wanted to work with a locally grown NGO and compare it with an internationally implemented organization. From Berlin, I attempted to identify local organizations and reached out to them for internship opportunities. Fortunately, one womenâs organization agreed to host me as an intern for four months. Two days after my arrival in Beirut, I began my internship. Additionally, I found myself working for the Swiss embassy as a gender expert, tasked with identifying potential NGO partners focused on womenâs rights.
In these two different work settings, I utilized a snowball sampling approach to connect with more individuals in the field. I wrote numerous emails persistently, often feeling like a nuisance as these experts were very busy and sometimes overlooked my messages, or simply chose not to respond. I critically reflected on my positionality as a white Central European woman working on womenâs rights in the Middle East while engaging in discussions surrounding human rights and international aid. As a result of my dual roles (gender expert and intern), I also faced criticism and scrutiny. However, these positions enabled me to collect a wide and diverse data set.
Although I have already analyzed several important points that emerged from the vignetteâparticularly how complex grassroots activism can shape its fields of action, visibility, and suggested contact pointsâI would like to pause to further interpret the results in terms of how initiatives are visible to different audiences and what can be learned from my field experience that might be applied to other settings. Instead, I will return to and deepen my methodological approach. Additionally, I will provide a brief overview of the context of Lebanon, including its political particularities, during my fieldwork in 2016 and 2017.
I will begin with my methodological trajectory. Before I traveled to Lebanon, I discussed with my supervisors the best strategies for collecting data. However, they did not provide me with any contacts for individuals or organizations to begin my work. Given Lebanonâs complex legal systemânot governed by civil law but by 15 different religious laws tied to political groups, known as sectsâI tailored my research proposal and questions to focus on legal procedures in Lebanon and their intersections with international law and norms. Organizations would be positioned at the intersection of law and society, making it clear that I intended to use NGOs as both my access point to the field and my analytical category.
Diverse Data Collection Methods : I utilized a wide range of data collection methods, including semi-structured interviews, expert interviews, observations, diaries, photographs, and analysis of secondary sources such as social media posts and NGO documents. This demonstrates adaptability and a comprehensive approach to research.
Specifically linked to my research interests, I planned to examine womenâs organizations that address womenâs issues through the advocacy and discourse of womenâs rights as human rights, transnational activism, and the implementation of international law within the local legal context. However, I did not sufficiently account for the dense and challenging situation in Lebanon at that time due to the impact of the Syrian civil war, the influx of displaced people, violent attacks by ISIS, Hezbollahâs involvement in the Syrian conflict, and the non-functional Lebanese government. In response to these challenges, the international presence in Beirut increased significantly; embassies expanded their staff and diplomatic interests to include regional migration support and peace negotiations aimed at preventing further turmoil. Moreover, international aid agencies grew their developmental and humanitarian initiatives, which immensely affected grassroots organizations and civil society.
Qualitative Data Analysis : Throughout my year in Lebanon, I conducted qualitative analysis of various data types, demonstrating expertise in interpreting complex data sets. The mention of using an interview guide and adapting questions based on interviewee responses shows methodological awareness. I observed the implications of these dynamics for womenâs NGOs, their visions, and their projects.
I also wanted to work with a locally grown NGO and compare it with an internationally implemented organization. From Berlin, I attempted to identify local organizations and reached out to them for internship opportunities. Fortunately, one womenâs organization agreed to host me as an intern for four months. Two days after my arrival in Beirut, I began my internship. Additionally, I found myself working for the Swiss embassy as a gender expert, tasked with identifying potential NGO partners focused on womenâs rights.
Ethical Considerations : In my research, I explicitly addressed anonymization and ethical concerns, highlighting my understanding of responsible research practices. This consideration is particularly valuable in the context of my work.
In these two different work settings, I utilized a snowball sampling approach to connect with more individuals in the field. I wrote numerous emails persistently, often feeling like a nuisance as these experts were very busy and sometimes overlooked my messages, or simply chose not to respond. I critically reflected on my positionality as a white Central European woman working on womenâs rights in the Middle East while engaging in discussions surrounding human rights and international aid. As a result of my dual roles (gender expert and intern), I also faced criticism and scrutiny.
Reflexivity : My self-reflection on the challenges of data collection and analysis, such as âgraspingâ data and questioning its âreality,â shows a high level of methodological awareness and reflexivity. This indicates a sophisticated understanding of the research process.
However, these positions enabled me to collect a wide and diverse data set, integrating multiple data sourcesâsuch as field notes, social media, and NGO documentsâinto my analysis, indicating an ability to synthesize information from different sources.
In the text above, I have outlined my methodological approach in the field and described my application of methods, as well as the context of Lebanon during my fieldwork. Below, I would like to revisit the key insights gained from this research experience in collaboration with civil society organizations:
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The history of organizations is significant: when and under what conditions were they established, and what political intentions were behind their formation, whether directly or indirectly?
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The visibility of organizations and their agency in determining how to present themselves to different audiences is crucial.
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Local organizations and activism movements are diverse and heterogeneous, yet they can still unite around common goals.
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Local organizations can simultaneously function as grassroots entities and international or transnational actors, depending on their roles and positioning.
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International presence and funding agencies have a substantial influence on local projects and their orientations.
After outlining the key insights, I will now conclude with a brief theoretical analysis of staging and performance, which is critical for understanding the visibility of grassroots activism and its actors.
Goffmanâs concept of staging performance provides a robust framework for analysis, establishing the structure and dynamics of meetings, including the roles involved and the nature of the performances. Building on Goffmanâs analytical perspective, I contend that NGOsâ womenâs rights projects act as agents of empowerment, informed by feminist theorist Audre Lordeâs concept of âmimicryâ (2003).
Lorde conceptualizes womenâs empowerment as an adaptation of colonial or imperial practices, asserting that such adaptations âwill never dismantle the masterâs house.â She refers to the colonial period, during which governing forces compelled colonized and oppressed individuals to conform to imposed laws, behaviors, and cultural norms. Over time, these impositions became absorbed and integrated into the local political system, often through administrative and procurement agencies that maintained close ties to former (or current) colonial powers.
However, I argue that individuals forced to adapt also developed their own agency. Although their practices may have appeared aimed at complete adaptation, they often diverged from the imposed objectives, existing merely as a facade maintained under false pretenses. This phenomenon is frequently observed in everyday rituals and religious practices, as noted by Lorde (2003). Essentially, actions and habits are performed in ways that seem dictated by the colonizer, yet beneath the surface, they reflect historical traditions and past practices. This perspective challenges the efficacy of the epistemological terms and concepts we commonly use to frame specific objects and occurrences.
Furthermore, the concepts of mimicry and boundary objects prompt an examination of what is negotiated on what stage. Beyond the realization of a project, negotiations surrounding funding engage with broader issues of strengthening womenâs rights and promoting womenâs empowerment. These discussions focus on identifying appropriate measures for enhancing womenâs rights, the financial resources required, and the strategies for effectively allocating those funds.
Goffman, Erving 2017 [1959]. Wir alle spielen Theater. MĂŒnchen: Piper Verlag GmbH.
Lorde, Audre. 2003. The Masterâs Tools Will Never Dismantle the Masterâs House. Feminist Postcolonial Theory: A Reader: 25-27.